James Sunderland is the MP for Bracknell. He chaired the Armed Forces Bill Select Committee in 2021 and chairs the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Veterans and the Armed Forces Covenant.
The first duty of any government is the defence of its people. This fundamental dictum tends to be forgotten during extended periods of international calm when domestic imperatives take priority and the case for increased military spending is difficult to make.
Even now, as a full-scale war rages in Europe and multiple threats proliferate across the globe, some regard defense as a distraction, consuming scarce resources that could be better dispensed in more obviously voter-friendly areas. But of course, the need to keep people safe is non-discretionary.
Given that the international landscape is probably more dangerous, unstable, and incendiary now than at any time since the Second World War, defence spending is essential. Voters do care about their nation’s security and many are nervous at what is happening on our doorstep, not least in Eastern Europe, the Middle East and the Far East. Contrary to popular perception, defence will be an election issue in 2024 as voters want to be assured that our Armed Forces are fully resourced and equipped.
This is why the Government’s new commitment to a defence budget equal to 2.5 per cent of GDP by 2030 is so important, both strategically and politically. It reinforces the Conservative claim that we are a party that is strong on defence, and marks out a clear battleground with Labour, which talks a good game albeit while evading the fiscal commitment needed to confront a deteriorating global picture.
As a member of the UN Security Council, the UK’s continued role as a bastion of global rights and democracy can only be underpinned by hard power. It is a reality of history that we may yet be called upon to protect our security and that of our allies. This must be hammered home during the general election campaign.
Fortunately, we have a good story to tell. Grant Shapps has proven himself to be a forceful champion of the Armed Forces since being appointed Defence Secretary last year. In recent months, he has mounted an assault on the diversity and inclusion culture that would have seen checks on overseas recruits relaxed, rightly challenged the divisive New Accommodation Model, and has reformed defence procurement. In short, equipment will now be delivered more quickly by advancing an ‘initial operating capability’ that can then be refined in service.
This is how the Royal Navy’s new DragonFire laser defence system against missiles and drones will be installed on warships from 2027, instead of 2032 as originally expected. He has also increased military aid to Ukraine, securing an extra £700 million, thereby taking Britain’s total contribution beyond £3 billion.
Most importantly, Shapps battled to have the 2.5 per cent figure by 2030 enshrined in Tory policy. This will ensure that Britain will remain a lead contributor to NATO, will recapitalise our nuclear deterrent, and will continue to hold state-of-the-art conventional capabilities for fighting any foe.
There are other arguments too for spending more on defence. Shapps and James Heappey, his former colleague at the MOD, have argued strongly for 3 per cent, and Britain’s defence budget is at last moving in the right direction. Within NATO, only 18 of the 32 member countries are currently committed to 2 per cent of GDP so there is work to do diplomatically.
It is also stark that the 5 non-EU members of the Alliance (USA, UK, Canada, Turkey, and Norway) contribute 80 per cent of the NATO budget. It remains clear that Europe must step up more for its own security, particularly in the face of Russian aggression. Whilst the UK is leading the way within NATO and Europe, which is what you would fully expect of a proud sea-faring nation with strong international interests, it is now necessary for other allies to follow suit
Lastly, although full cooperation with our allies is the bedrock of our security, notably in the North Atlantic and under cover of NATO’s Article 5, Britain must also retain the expeditionary capacity to take action in our own name and at a time of our own choosing. The Falklands Conflict of 1982 and subsequent deployments have continually shown that Britain must be able to operate outside of the NATO umbrella to protect our global interests and dependencies.
The ability to project force worldwide and deliver strategic reach must therefore stay at the heart of our national sovereignty. Defence spending should continue to rise, with our allies, in line with the threat.
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Author: James Sunderland MP
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