For decades, my colleagues and I reported and warned of the deadly alliance of Islamic supremacists and leftists. We were smeared, defamed and libeled by the Democrat media axis. With Ilhan Omar, Rashid Khalid, and now Mamdani, we have crossed the rubicon.
The Alliance to Watch: Progressive Leftist and Jihadis
New York mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani is perhaps one of the clearer embodiments of these two political/ideological/
Eli Lake looks at what he calls “a cognitively dissonant red-green alliance,” pointing to the left’s embrace of the Iranian revolution as the root or the origin: In the West, the politics of the Gaza war features a strange marriage between political Islam and the 21st-century Western left. For instance, the Democratic Socialists of America simultaneously support making New York a national hub for transgender youth medicine but also want to globalize the intifada. It supports the bleeding edge of social progressive values while throwing its full support behind the fanatic fascists who filmed their mass murder of Jews and proudly posted the videos to Telegram. The first example of this cognitively dissonant red-green alliance arose during Iran’s Islamic revolution in 1978 and 1979. Inside the country, many of the socialist and liberal factions ultimately accepted the leadership of the radical Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, but they did so for cynical reasons. Khomeini’s politics were extreme and reactionary, many of Iran’s socialists and liberals knew, but they believed he lacked the political skills to really take over the country (Free Press).
City Journal: Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City’s mayoral primary earlier this summer was a sign that there’s a new boss in town: the Working Families Party.
Founded in 1998, the WFP began exerting influence after a 2006 court decision that paved the way for political parties to spend money in other parties’ primaries. Through funding and organizing, the party “wasn’t just endorsing anymore—it was using its muscle to pick the winners of Democratic primaries,” Joseph Burns writes.
The WFP’s legal advantages make it especially effective, Burns points out. Because it’s a recognized political party, unlike super PACs, it can work directly with candidates; and it can accept contributions up to $138,600 per donor—much larger than what individual candidates can accept. “These funds can be spent in support of WFP-backed candidates in primary elections,” Burns writes, “giving the party an outsize presence in low-turnout races, where just a few thousand votes can swing the outcome.”
Zohran Mamdani’s surprising victory in this year’s Democratic mayoral primary was more than just a win for a young socialist assemblyman from Queens. It was the clearest sign yet that a new kind of political boss now dominates Democratic politics in New York—one that uses the same tools as the old bosses but for more rigidly ideological ends. The modern equivalent of Boss Tweed is the Working Families Party (WFP), which has leveraged state election law and other unique legal advantages to wield major influence over Democratic politics in the Empire State.
Founded in 1998 by a coalition of labor unions and progressive activists, the WFP was enabled by New York’s system of fusion voting. Unlike most other states, New York allows one political party to cross-endorse a candidate of another political party. The votes cast for a candidate on each of the party lines are aggregated, allowing minor parties to be something more than spoilers or gadflies.
Read more about the WFP and its rising influence over New York politics.
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Author: Pamela Geller
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