The Nevada Legislature Building underwent a face lift prior to this year’s session, but the Democratic legislative leadership’s economic agenda, inasmuch as there is one, remained the same as it ever was. (Photo: Richard Bednarski/Nevada Current)
Democrats nationwide are awash in conflicting opinions about how to stanch the loss of young and working class voters before the U.S. backslide into autocracy is irreversible, if it’s not already.
Some Democrats blame “wokeness.” Some Democrats say the party needs to lean in on kitchen-table issues. Some think they should do nothing and just wait for Trump and Trumpism to collapse under the weight of its self-generated slagheap of corruption, lawlessness, malice, and counterproductive policies. Some Democrats, including at least half of those in Nevada’s congressional delegation, seem to think the best way to inspire the electorate is to make sure every sentence they mutter includes a noun, a verb, and the word “bipartisan.” And on and on.
And then there are Nevada’s Democratic state legislative leaders. They chose to meet this inflection point by yet again allowing generous public subsidies for deep-pocketed Californians to serve as the featured attraction of this year’s recently concluded Nevada legislative session.
Yes, ding dong, the film tax credit bill is dead. Praise be, etc.
But Democratic legislative leadership — Senate Majority Leader Nicole Cannizzaro and Assembly Speaker Steve Yeager — whether by design or neglect, allowed a government giveaway scheme to film corporations to become the one and only thing about the 2025 Legislature working class voters, especially young ones, most likely ever heard about. Assuming they heard about anything legislative at all.
Ever since it was plopped onto the Nevada policy landscape more than a decade ago by then-Democratic state senator, now Democratic state Attorney General Aaron Ford, the film tax credit has always been a predominantly Democratic production. One of the chief legislative sponsors of this year’s version was state Sen. Daniele Monroe-Mareno, who also currently serves as chair of the state Democratic Party.
To reiterate, a critical mass of voters nationwide, including voters on which Democrats once relied, are marinading in nihilism and cynicism, and evidently don’t grasp the goals, agenda, priorities — the point — of the Democratic Party, or just cold stopped caring.
Against that backdrop, Democrats in Nevada put on a big show about a scheme to use nearly $2 billion of public money to enrich two of California’s largest film corporations and one of the nation’s most prominent corporate developers of master-planned communities.
Weird.
Their crowning achievement
In Nevada, Democrats over the last ten years have been very successful at doing what(ever) it takes to win and maintain majorities in both houses of the state Legislature, an endeavor which, luckily for them, had more to do with voter registration numbers and redistricting power than policy positions.
As a result, mean-spirited reactionary policies that are racist, poverty-shaming, misogynistic, anti-LGBTQ, anti-democracy, anti-immigrant, and anti-rights — policies designed first and foremost to feed the MAGAfolk — are (mostly) not enacted here.
Keeping such pernicious policies (mostly) at bay in Nevada is no small consideration. Winning enough elections to block Republicans from enacting that stuff is arguably the crowning state-level achievement of contemporary Nevada Democrats.
But when it comes to pro-active progress, specifically on economic policy, the Nevada Democratic legislative agenda, inasmuch as there is one, is tired (they’re “for” education), and worse than useless (inveterate footsie-playing with industries, mischaracterizing public giveaways to private corporations as “economic development”).
In the meantime, with only the occasional exception, they can rarely be bothered to acknowledge, let alone confront, the fact that the state has one of the country’s most upside-down tax structures, in which the smaller your income, the higher the percentage of it you pay in taxes.
Giving working families a break by lowering the state’s aggressively high sales tax rate would leave a budget hole that would have to be filled by generating revenue elsewhere (evergreen suggestion: raising Nevada’s lowest-in-the-nation gaming tax). Under Nevada’s constitution, raising or creating taxes requires a two-thirds vote of both legislative houses, majorities Democrats have not had and would probably be afraid to use if they did.
In Washington state, which is bluer than Nevada but whose residents have also suffered under a regressive tax structure, it took 15 years of advocacy from organizations and politicians to finally enact a tax on the ultra-wealthy (another good suggestion).
Reforming Nevada’s tax structure would likewise be a long process. That’s assuming Democrats and, for that matter, their most powerful progressive organizational allies, would do something they so far haven’t: get started on a public education campaign advocating tax fairness that would also enable the state to be a little less cheap and a little more responsible when it comes to funding public services, programs, and projects.
If only the state’s Democratic legislative brain trust had spent as much time advocating for an equitable tax system as they’ve spent advocating and/or rubber-stamping government handouts to corporations and billionaires.
The first quarter of the 21st century has been economically harder on Nevada than any other state. It’s perhaps a testament to the state Democratic Party’s long-hailed organizational oomph that Nevada didn’t go for Trump in 2016 and 2020, and only finally fell to Trump last year.
It remains to be seen if and how Democrats nationally can generate enough trust and optimism to pull the country out of its degenerative spiral.
If they do, there might be some Nevadans, including some state legislators, who will make a meaningful contribution to the effort.
But if prior performance is any indication of future results, it’s hard to imagine Nevada legislative and party leadership having much of a role in that. At least not in a good way.
A version of this column originally appeared in the Daily Current newsletter, which is free and which you can subscribe to here.
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Author: Hugh Jackson
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