What the 20th Century was to the West — the next 100 Years will be to the Global South *Editors note* That’s assuming we have 100 years left, we don’t. Time is short! That being said the power structure of the world has shifted from the West to the East, just I’ve been saying for years! JS
By Dr. F. Andrew Wolf, Jr. Reposted with permission by globalresearch.ca
History will record the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin, China this year as a pivotal moment in the evolution towards a new world order.
The SCO’s burgeoning role as a critical player in the development of a multipolar world was demonstrated this week. It illustrated the Global South’s solidarity with its defining principles: the recognition of sovereignty, non-interference and a rebuttal to the West’s hegemonic model of globalization under the guise of ‘liberal democracy’.
Significance of the event was also connoted through its symbolism —its proximity to the September 3 military parade in Beijing, marking not just the end of World War II but the 80th anniversary of China’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War.
Russian President Vladimir Putin was conspicuous as an omnipresent figure at both the summit and parade events – carrying both symbolic weight and strategic meaning.
Moscow continues to advance its role as a reliable interface between nations across Asia and the Middle East – a role of consequence, especially today, given the shifting center of gravity in geopolitical affairs toward Asia and the Global South.
The Russian president’s remarks at the summit were characteristic of his vision of the future; he reiterated the import of adopting and implementing the SCO Development Program through the remainder of the decade. It defines the group’s strategic path towards establishing a carefully-conceived foundation for orchestrating economic and infrastructure initiatives.
Perhaps of equal significance was Moscow’s enthusiastic support for Beijing’s proposal to establish an SCO Development Bank. In addition to financing infrastructure projects, it would assist member countries in reducing their dependence on Western financial institutions and lessen the impact of Western sanctions – pressures which – with varying degrees of severity — Russia, China, Iran, India and others continue to experience.
The imagery from China indicates how the Russian president’s attendance at the summit carried both concrete and symbolic significance: As occurred previously in May, Moscow and Beijing continue to signal their determination to defend historical – not revisionist – truth.
The arrival in Tianjin of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi brought into specific relief New Delhi’s strategic flexibility and willingness to revisit and advance its relationship with China. In the face of unmitigated pressure from US President Donald Trump, the visit amounted to a definitive statement of India’s shift from historical non-alignment to strategic autonomy.
Modi’s talks with Xi Jinping – his first visit to China in seven years – symbolized their intent to resolve differences. Their continuing border dispute notwithstanding, the countries signaled a willingness to remove obstacles – and move closer.
Xi remarked to the Indian prime minister that true ‘normalization’ between their nations had actually begun last year at the BRICS summit in Kazan, when both nations deescalated a tense situation. The two sides should “not let the border issue define the overall China-India relationship,” Xi said, adding that economic development should be their main focus.
Modi, referring to relations with Beijing as a ‘partnership’, announced the resumption of direct flights and even voiced an intent to reduce India’s trade deficit with China.
A priority for India lies in multilateral relationships that augment a multipolar system concerning geopolitical affairs. New Delhi has consistently defended its right to pursue a multi-directed, autonomous foreign policy, viewing Global South initiatives (e.g. SCO and BRICS+) as pivotal in strengthening its sovereignty, pragmatism of strategic autonomy and global relevance.
While India attempts to eschew diplomatic issues with the US, its message is categorical: New Delhi will not accept ‘bullying’, especially with issues impacting national and regional priorities.
The symbolism of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, also being present at the gathering, was evident. The leader of a NATO-member state attending the SCO summit connoted to the Western alliance that Ankara intends to assert a more sovereign, self-defined foreign policy.
This reflects Türkiye’s concept of ‘strategic flexibility’, in which the SCO is viewed as more than a forum for regional cooperation; rather, it is a platform for extending Turkish influence and securing access to key assets – from transport corridors to energy markets.
The Tianjin summit welcomed as well the presidents of Belarus, Iran and Pakistan along with Malaysia, Armenia and Azerbaijan signaling their interest in full membership. The wide geographical mix of attendees illustrates that the SCO is moving beyond Eurasia — developing toward a nucleus of an alternative global order.
The Tianjin Declaration, delineating the principles uniting SCO member states was a pivotal outcome of the summit – delineating non-interference in internal affairs, respect for sovereignty, rejection of the use or threat of force and opposition to unilateral sanctions as instruments of coercion. It expressed the common vision of the organization.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov commented:
“The main outcome of the SCO and SCO+ summits is the shared determination to uphold our rights, without yielding to provocations, in full compliance with international law, the UN Charter, and the principles of the international monetary, financial, and trade systems – the very principles once promoted by the West itself.”
The summit in China manifested more than imagery and words – it confirmed the reality of a multipolar world order – a concept Putin has advanced for years. One thing is certain — it can no longer be treated theoretically. The SCO has given ‘multipolarity’ institutional integrity – steadily expanding, gaining influence and authority throughout the Global South.
The organization is reviewing applications from some ten countries seeking observer or dialogue partner status – indicating a burgeoning interest in the SCO as an alternative center of power in geopolitical affairs.
And one must not overlook rising interest in the SCO from the Arab world. Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are already SCO dialogue partners – nations central to the Middle East’s energy and investment hierarchy. This indicates that a new geopolitical axis linking Eurasia and the Middle East is becoming a reality – with the SCO emerging as a viable alternative to the West’s hegemonic model.
The SCO today is no longer a regional structure; rather, it is a strategic center of gravity in geopolitical affairs. What was once disparaged by the West as a mere ‘regional club’ has matured into a meaningful platform for the Global South – a geopolitical entity with expanding membership, burgeoning economic vigor and a shared political horizon – a new political reality.
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F. Andrew Wolf, Jr. is director of The Fulcrum Institute, a new organization of current and former scholars, which engages in research and commentary, focusing on political and cultural issues on both sides of the Atlantic. After service in the USAF (Lt.Col.-Intel) Dr. Wolf obtained a PhD-philosophy (Wales), MA-theology (Univ. S. Africa), MTh-philosophical theology (TCU-Brite Div.). He taught philosophy, humanities and theology in the US and S. Africa before retiring from university.
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