Russia has called for the RIC cooperation format to be revived. India sees it as an opportunity for greater autonomy in a multipolar world
In the wake of the Putin-Trump Alaska summit, Russia once again demonstrated that it remains an indispensable actor in global diplomacy. The very fact that Washington and Moscow returned to the table underscored that neither side can afford to exclude the other in discussions on international security.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to New Delhi a few days later included rounds of strategic discussions. He co-chaired the boundary talks alongside NSA Ajit Doval, held bilateral consultations with India’s Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar, and met with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, underscoring India’s continued openness to managing contentious issues through established dialogue channels.
Coming ahead of India’s participation at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin on Sunday, the visit reflected an important step in rebalancing India–China ties at a time of heightened global trade uncertainty.
The Alaska summit may not have delivered immediate breakthroughs on conflict resolution, but it was nonetheless a watershed moment. Commentators noted that the meeting underscored Moscow’s role as a decisive actor whose influence cannot be erased by sanctions or diplomatic pressure. Yet for India, the significance of Alaska lies not just in Russia’s return to global high tables, but in what it signals for the larger multipolar landscape. A Russia more confident of its role in global negotiations is also a Russia that seeks to extend its engagement into Asia, creating opportunities for India to reinforce its own regional diplomacy.
Lavrov’s call for reviving RIC is part of this broader trend. By placing India alongside Russia and China, the format reopens a space where Asian powers can coordinate on selective issues. For Beijing, under pressure from escalating US tariffs, RIC provides a forum for coordination beyond the constraints of bilateral tensions. For Moscow, it illustrates that Asian partnerships are increasingly important to balancing global shifts. And for New Delhi, it creates diplomatic space to advance interests without committing to any single bloc.
India’s autonomy in practice
For New Delhi, Lavrov’s RIC revival call resonates but does not automatically translate into endorsement. India has consistently championed strategic autonomy, balancing partnerships such as the Quad and frameworks like the SCO and BRICS+. In this matrix, RIC is one among many platforms New Delhi engages with, neither the sole driver of its Asia policy nor an option to be dismissed.
Jaishankar’s emphasis on diversification makes RIC valuable as a diplomatic space where India can hold structured dialogue with both Russia and China. This was reflected recently when India signalled openness to reviving the long-dormant RIC dialogue. Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal described it as a “consultative format” that allows the three countries to discuss global and regional issues of shared concern, noting that any meeting would be scheduled “in a mutually convenient manner.”
While the 2020 Galwan clash continues to cast a shadow on relations, platforms like RIC allow New Delhi to compartmentalize disputes while advancing cooperation on issues such as supply chains, energy, and climate. Wang Yi’s talks in New Delhi were widely seen as laying the groundwork ahead of Modi’s participation in the SCO summit in Tianjin, highlighting how bilateral outreach and multilateral engagement are now moving in tandem.
For India, RIC is one among many tools that help preserve autonomy. This reflects New Delhi’s broader multi-vector diplomacy, cooperating with Western partners, while also engaging China and Russia where interests converge. In this way, India positions itself not as a passive participant, but as a leading power shaping outcomes across multiple arenas.
The broader context makes RIC’s revival timely. The expansion of tariffs by the US has disrupted trade flows, creating uncertainty for many economies. In this environment, regional cooperation mechanisms such as RIC could serve as stabilizers, not as exclusive clubs, but as forums to coordinate on non-traditional security challenges and economic resilience.
India’s Critical Minerals Mission illustrates how New Delhi is seeking to diversify supply chains and reduce vulnerabilities. For Beijing, RIC offers a way to mitigate external pressures through engagement. For Moscow, it provides a platform to demonstrate continued relevance in Asia. And for India, it offers an additional avenue to strengthen its role in the Global South by showing that cooperative strategies, rather than zero-sum rivalries, can deliver resilience.
RIC’s value extends far beyond diplomatic signalling, it holds real promise for collaboration in energy, infrastructure, and green transition. For instance, Russia has explicitly expressed interest in expanding joint energy projects with India, including hydrocarbon ventures in the Russian Far East and Arctic shelf, even as energy trade faces Western headwinds. On infrastructure and regional connectivity, the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), linking India with Russia and Central Asia, is already demonstrating its utility, reducing transport time between Mumbai and Moscow by nearly 40% and cutting costs by as much as 30%. On climate and green finance, initiatives like the 2025 BRICS Climate Finance Framework provide a platform for RIC members to leverage their strengths, China’s clean-tech capacity, India’s solar leadership, and Russia’s resource base, to pool resources for collective adaptation and energy transition. These examples underscore how RIC can contribute tangibly to Asia’s long-term growth foundations.
The Alaska summit highlighted the need for dialogue but also exposed the limitations of existing mechanisms in delivering sustainable outcomes. By revisiting RIC, Moscow, Beijing, and New Delhi all seek to carve out greater space in a shifting order. The RIC may not resolve border disputes or tariff wars, but it provides a buffer of dialogue and an emblem of multipolarity.
As Modi heads to the SCO summit in Tianjin, the momentum behind trilateral dialogue is unmistakable. For Russia, RIC signals engagement. For China, resilience. For India, autonomy. And for Asia, it is a reminder that the evolving order will increasingly be shaped not by any single bloc, but in the overlapping dialogues of Moscow, New Delhi, and Beijing.
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