Ah, the filibuster—a procedural relic once despised by Democrats as a “racist relic” and “undemocratic” is now the shiny new lifeline they’re clinging to with every ounce of desperation. With Senate Democrats about to slide into the minority following the Republican wave in the 2024 elections, their tune on the 60-vote threshold has shifted dramatically. Suddenly, the tool they wanted to obliterate is essential for protecting democracy. You can’t make this up.
For years, Democrats have lambasted the filibuster as an obstacle to their agenda. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer vowed to scrap it if voters handed him the majority, a promise tied to progressive goals like federalizing elections and codifying Roe v. Wade. But now that the GOP holds a 53-47 majority and Trump is back in the White House, the filibuster is being recast as a heroic check on power.
Connecticut Senator Richard Blumenthal summed up the pivot, admitting, “I’d be lying if I said we’d be in a better position without the filibuster.” And let’s not forget Senator Chris Murphy’s earlier tirades about how the rule was “dangerous” and a “slap in the face to majoritarianism.” Now? He’s fully prepared to “play with the rules that exist.”
Let’s not ignore the irony dripping from this reversal. The same Democrats who sought to bulldoze Senate norms in the name of progress are now clutching their pearls at the thought of a Republican majority wielding unchecked power. Arizona’s Kyrsten Sinema, who famously defended the filibuster during her time in the Senate, couldn’t resist a jab. “You don’t say,” she quipped on Twitter when news broke of her former colleagues’ change of heart.
But here’s the kicker: Republicans aren’t even itching to nuke the filibuster. Incoming Senate GOP Leader John Thune has promised to preserve it, noting, “It forces bipartisanship.” Trump, a wild card in all this, may not be as patient if Democrats start blocking his legislative agenda, but the GOP has historically resisted his demands to scrap the rule—even during his first term.
The truth is, both parties have eroded the filibuster over the years when it suited their short-term goals. Democrats lowered the threshold for Cabinet and judicial nominees in 2013, and Republicans followed suit in 2017 for Supreme Court picks. Now, Democrats are banking on the same rule they vilified to thwart Trump’s policies.
Senator John Barrasso (R-WY) didn’t mince words: “They all campaigned to eliminate the filibuster, and now they’re scared to death of it.”
While Thune insists the filibuster is safe, Trump’s influence remains a question mark. If Democrats weaponize it against his agenda, pressure could mount for Republicans to scrap it altogether. Yet, with reconciliation—a budget process requiring only a simple majority—many GOP policies could bypass the 60-vote hurdle anyway.
Democrats know this, which explains their sudden embrace of the filibuster as a tool for slowing Trump’s more contentious proposals. Senator John Fetterman put it bluntly: “The one emergency brake would be the filibuster.”
Some Democrats are advocating for a return to the “talking filibuster,” requiring senators to physically hold the floor and halt all other Senate business to block legislation. While it sounds dramatic, it’s a far cry from their prior ambitions to eliminate the filibuster altogether.
Now in the minority, Schumer is singing a new tune, calling on Republicans to prioritize bipartisanship. His “word of caution” sounds hollow given Democrats’ prior threats to bulldoze Senate norms when they had the chance.
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